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Taiwan elections · Poll interpretation

Why did three Taipei post-debate polls disagree? One weekend, different samples

The same weekend yielded different leaders. Recruitment, wording and denominators determine what the results can tell us.

Senge Research Team8 MIN READ
Taiwanese voters placing ballots into local-election ballot boxes
Taiwan local-election voting, 2018; stated preferences still face the ballot-box test. Not a 2026 scene or an identification of candidate supporters. Existing image; no further modification. 簡志宏/總統府 / Wikimedia Commons · CC BY 2.0
ENGLISH SUMMARY

Three Taipei mayoral surveys fielded after the October 31 debate report different leaders. TVBS’s residential telephone poll puts Chiang Wan-an four points ahead among voting intenders; published accounts of ETtoday’s closed member survey give Chiang an 11.3-point lead; accounts of the Taiwan Strategy and Policy Institute’s dual-frame AI telephone survey give Puma Shen a 17.3-point lead. The 28.6-point span is a difference between reported margins, not a change in the electorate. Compare recruitment, question wording and eligible respondents before interpreting any trend. The available disclosures do not isolate a mode effect or establish a debate effect.

The answer: different leads do not share one ruler

Three Taipei mayoral polls interviewed in overlapping periods after the October 31 debate. Subtracting Puma Shen from Chiang Wan-an yields +4 points for TVBS, +11.3 for ETtoday and −17.3 for the Taiwan Strategy and Policy Institute. The 28.6-point span compares published margins. It does not mean that 28.6 points of voters switched over the weekend.[1][4][6]

Ask who could be reached, who entered each denominator and what each respondent was asked. Similar field dates do not make the samples interchangeable. A simple average would assign weights without validating them.

Compare the three designs

SurveyFieldwork and modeReported baseChiang / ShenChiang minus Shen
TVBSOct 31, 14:00–18:00; interviewer-led residential telephone1,747 interviews; preference among 1,666 voting intenders [6]46% / 42%+4 points
ETtodayOct 31, 16:00 to Nov 1, 12:00; closed online member survey1,965 completes; full original question table not available [1][2]52.0% / 40.7%+11.3 points
Taiwan Strategy and Policy InstituteOct 31, 15:00–21:30 and Nov 1, 09:00–17:54; dual-frame AI telephone1,436 completes, 884 landline and 552 mobile [3][4]35.3% / 52.6%−17.3 points

Margins are calculated from published percentages. Each row has its own selection process; none is a count of votes cast. The disclosed information does not support a common significance test across rows.

Recruitment can reach different people

A residential phone survey depends on household reachability and willingness to answer. A dual frame adds mobile coverage but still has to handle overlapping coverage and incomplete interviews. A member survey first depends on platform membership and then on invitation and response. These mechanisms can select different people without establishing the direction of any bias.

Weighting by age, sex or district cannot ensure that respondents and nonrespondents within those groups have the same political preferences. A larger sample reduces some random variation but cannot by itself correct coverage or response differences.

The table cannot identify an AI interviewing effect. A more useful design would randomly assign human and automated interview modes within a shared recruitment frame and compare completion and response patterns. These polls do not provide that experiment.

Agreement, disagreement and different questions

Mirror Media and NOWnews report the same ETtoday preferences. Another Mirror Media report and Newtalk report the opposite leader in the institute survey. Media Corner compares all three and identifies the restricted TVBS preference denominator. Five reports are traceable accounts, not five independent measurements.[1][2][3][4][5]

Expecting a candidate to win differs from intending to vote for that candidate. ETtoday asked respondents exposed to debate content to score the candidates; the other polls compared who performed better. A mean score and a share choosing one candidate use different scales. Seeing clips also differs from viewing the whole debate.

Mobilization and willingness to state a preference may differ across samples. Without repeated observations of the same people and the complete questionnaires for the two additional waves, the differences cannot be decomposed into mobilization, selection and wording. That limitation does not establish any sponsor’s motive.

Conclusion: match survey and question before inferring change

To assess movement, compare successive waves from the same pollster with similar wording, denominators and mode, then check field dates, response and weighting. To assess whether the debate changed individuals’ preferences, track the same people and address differences that made some people more likely to watch in the first place.

Before November 28, treat the three results as conditional observations. Publishing wording, distributions before and after weighting, sample bases and treatment of undecided responses would make later comparisons more diagnostic. The reported measurements differ; the evidence does not yet identify why.

References